By Ogar Monday
In the dim light of early morning on August 22, 2019, armed men stormed Agba Jalingo’s Lagos residence. His wife and daughter barely had time to react before the shouting began. The founder and publisher of CrossRiverWatch was dragged away by security forces, his family left stunned and terrified.
“I knew the risks when I started,” Jalingo said, recalling the scene. “But I never imagined the intensity of the attacks that would follow—or how deeply it would shake my family, my staff, even my own resolve.”
Since its founding in 2012, CrossRiverWatch has challenged official narratives, investigated corruption, and amplified grassroots voices—earning both praise from the public and persecution from those in power. For Jalingo and his team, the costs of speaking truth to power have included arrests, legal harassment, financial sabotage, and constant surveillance.
What’s happening in Cross River is not isolated. Nigeria’s ranking on the World Press Freedom Index has dropped in recent years, with watchdog groups warning about the increasing use of state institutions to muzzle journalists.
But Cross River stands out for its aggressive targeting of CrossRiverWatch.
The Making Of A Target
The August 2019 arrest was not Jalingo’s first encounter with state repression, but it was by far the most high-profile. His crime? Publishing a report that questioned the whereabouts of N500 million allegedly approved for the establishment of the Cross River State Microfinance Bank. The state government deemed it defamation. Security operatives treated it like treason.
After Jalingo’s arrest, the Association of Cross River Online Journalists (ACROJ) described his ordeal as evidence that Cross River State “has taken a huge leap backwards in terms of the protection of journalists.” The Association criticized the police, who had arrested Jalingo, and driven him by road to Calabar, stating that the very institution meant to “protect and uphold the integrity of our Constitution and the rights of journalists has instead taken the opposite role. This poses a great concern that must not be overlooked.”
Jalingo was charged with terrorism, treasonable felony, and attempting to overthrow the government of Cross River State under former Governor Ben Ayade. He spent 179 days in detention, much of it in the Medium Security Custodial Center, better known as Afokang prison in Calabar.
Ayade denied that he or the Cross River State government was involved in Jalingo’s prosecution. During a visit to then-President Muhammadu Buhari in Abuja, Ayade stated, “In court, it is the Federal Government versus Agba Jalingo, not Cross River State,” adding, “He’s in court for treason. A state does not have the power to try anyone for treason, it’s not me.”
Yet, in a twist that exposed the irony of Ayade’s denial, 30 months after Jalingo’s arrest,Justice Ijeoma Ojukwu, of the federal high court Calabar while relying on the provisions of section 355 of the Administration of Criminal Justice Act, discharged, and acquitted Jalingo, “on all four-count charges. And declared that, therefore, the charges are hereby dismissed.”
Before the ruling, John Ogban, the Director of Public Prosecution in Cross River State, informed the court of the Ministry of Justice’s decision—through the Attorney General and Commissioner for Justice, Tanko Ashang—to withdraw the case. This move suggested, contrary to Ayade’s earlier claims, that the state was, in fact, involved in the matter.
“Their intention was to scare me, push me until I break,” Jalingo said.
But he was soon back in prison, this time, in Nigeria’s federal capital, Abuja.
On August 19, 2022, police officers from the FCT Command stormed Jalingo’s Lagos residence, and arrested him, several hours after holding his wife and daughter hostage. He was moved to Abuja, where it was revealed that the sister-in-law of former Governor Ben Ayade, Mrs. Alami Ayade, had petitioned the police, accusing Jalingo of defamation over an article in which he alleged that she received assistance during her bar examinations.
He would spend one week at the Medium Security Custodial Center Kuje, Abuja, before being granted bail.
The case was later dismissed, as Justice Joyce Abdulmalik, said the prosecution had no case. The police are currently appealing the judgment.
That same year, other members of his newsroom also faced persecution.
Jonathan Ugbal, Managing Editor of CrossRiverWatch, knows the system all too well. On August 1, 2023, he was covering the #EndHunger protest in Calabar when armed police operatives swooped in.
“They asked for ‘the guy doing the livestream,’ and I was the one in the green shirt,” Ugbal said. “When I identified myself, they kicked and beat me. They demanded my phone. When I refused, they tied my hands and dragged me to the State CID.”
There, he was stripped, beaten again, and thrown into a cell and was only released when the Commissioner of Police intervened.
That wasn’t the first time.
Back in August 2019, just days before Jalingo’s arrest, Ugbal had been detained along with Jeremiah Archibong (then managing editor of CrossRiverWatch) and The Nation newspaper correspondent Nicholas Kalu, after coming out to cover a planned protest at the Cultural Center Complex. While Kalu was released later that day, Ugbal and Archibong spent two nights in detention before securing bail.
They were charged with unlawful assembly and breach of public peace. It took a full year before a magistrate in Calabar acquitted them.
“The prosecutor woefully and helplessly failed to establish a prima facie case,” ruled Chief Magistrate Rita Marshall, now a judge of the Cross River State High Court, in 2020, discharging both journalists.
“It was a needless and long trial,” Ugbal said. “It cost me an admission to the London School of Journalism and left me thoroughly traumatized.”
When Journalism Becomes A Crime
These repeated crackdowns have had an effect not just on the individuals arrested but on the entire newsroom. After Jalingo’s 2019 arrest, CrossRiverWatch was forced to shut its office for nearly seven months.
“Five staff members left us due to fear and intimidation,” Ugbal said. “They just didn’t want to deal with the constant troubles, and I understand.”
When the team eventually tried to secure a new office, landlords suddenly became hesitant.
“Our lawyer would negotiate rent, but once they heard the space was for CrossRiverWatch, they backed out. Always with an excuse: ‘We have changed our mind’ or ‘It’s no longer available.’ It was clear what was happening.”
Also damaging was the abrupt withdrawal of financial support. Under the administration of Governor Liyel Imoke, the state government had maintained a modest retainership with CrossRiverWatch, enough to cover basic running costs like data, transportation, and small stipends for reporters. But after Jalingo’s article about the microfinance bank scandal, that support vanished.
“That retainership was only paid about four times, and then suddenly, nothing,” said Ugbal. “We had advertisers and donors pull away. People were careful not to be seen associating with us, they didn’t want to be labeled enemies of the government.”
Timeline of Problems
April 10, 2018 – Jonathan Ugbal and Smart Agbor were arrested and taken to the State Criminal Investigation Department (SCID) after Agba Jalingo shared a photo of then-Attorney General of Cross River State, Joe Oshie Abang, sleeping during a budget signing. Their cameras were searched before they were released.
August 5, 2019 – Jeremiah Archibong, Jonathan Ugbal, and Nicholas Kalu were arrested in Calabar by the police while covering a protest. Kalu was released the same day, while Archibong and Ugbal were detained for two days before being charged in court.
August 22, 2019 – Agba Jalingo was arrested in Lagos over an article accusing the Cross River State government of misappropriating ₦500 million allocated for the establishment of a state microfinance bank. He spent about 179 days in detention and spent over 30 months in court before being acquitted.
December 2, 2019 – Patrick Obia and another journalist are summoned and held briefly by officials of the Calabar Division of the Federal High Court on the orders of Justice Simon Amobeda while reporting proceedings during the trial of Agba Jalingo. The Judge orders that from January 2020, phones are no longer allowed and journalists need to be vetted.
June 12, 2021 – Agba Jalingo and a group of activists including rights lawyer, James Ibor Esq were beaten and arrested during a protest in Rabana, Calabar.
August 19, 2022 – Officers from the FCT Police Command raided Jalingo’s Lagos residence and arrested him after holding his wife and daughter hostage for hours. He was later flown to Abuja, where it was revealed that Mrs. Alami Ayade, sister-in-law to former Governor Ben Ayade, had petitioned the police, accusing Jalingo of defamation over an article in which he alleged she received assistance during her bar examinations.
August 19, 2022 – On the same day, an unmarked vehicle reportedly trailed two CrossRiverWatch reporters as they left the office in Calabar. The occupants of the vehicle brandished a weapon. When questioned, the police denied that the men were their officers.
February 22, 2023 – Jonathan Ugbal was attacked by agents of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) in Calabar Municipality while covering a protest by youths from the Ikot Abasi Obori community.
August 1, 2023 – Jonathan Ugbal was beaten and arrested alongside others in Calabar after covering the #EndHunger protest.
Living Under Watch
Beyond legal battles and financial strain, the psychological impact on the CrossRiverWatch team has been deeply unsettling.
“We joke about it, but it’s real,” said Jonathan Ugbal. “Sometimes, when you are out reporting, you check your rearview mirror more than your notes. You plan your exit before you park. You avoid routines. It is mentally draining.”
Staff members have reported being trailed, receiving anonymous threats, and—on occasion—getting quiet warnings from sympathetic insiders to steer clear of particular topics or locations. The pressure is not abstract; it’s targeted.
“It feels personal,” said an editor and journalist with a local news site in Calabar who asked not to be named. “The kind of work CrossRiverWatch does, embarrasses powerful people. They don’t want that kind of scrutiny, so they are using them to send a message—one meant to scare the rest of us into silence.”
National advocacy groups have taken notice. The Coalition for Whistleblowers Protection and Press Freedom (CWPPF) described the pattern of harassment, particularly in Cross River, as a serious breach of press freedom. “It is the responsibility of government and all stakeholders to enforce protections that ensure journalists can do their work without fear. Anything less is a betrayal of democratic values and a disservice to the journalism profession,” The group said in a statement.
Still, CrossRiverWatch presses on. Though forced to shut its physical office, the team continues to publish, working remotely and routing official correspondence through their lawyer’s office.
“Running a newsroom shouldn’t feel like operating a resistance cell,” Ugbal said. “But that’s what it’s come to. And still, we continue.”
This report is produced by CrossRiverWatch in collaboration with the Centre for Journalism Innovation and Development (CJID) under its Strategic Lawsuits Against Public Participation (SLAPPs), as part of a project documenting issues focused on press freedom in Nigeria.
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